An analysis of the fundamental principles of the contest for leadership of the teamsters
Led by a small core of socialists, the union caught the employers by surprise. Alongside the Minneapolis truckers, the Toledo auto-parts workers and the longshoremen in San Francisco proved, in the eyes of everyone, that workers, using the mass strike as their weapon, could fight and win. When the third strike commenced on July 16, Local under the leadership started publishing The Organizer, a daily newspaper with a circulation of 10, Today, six years into the worst economic and social crisis that capitalism has created since the s, the labor movement is likewise at a low ebb. But it is often pointed to as an example of what revolutionaries might accomplish were we only to switch our efforts from the admittedly difficult task of building revolutionary unions to the seemingly easier route of transforming the business unions from within. Millions of mass-production workers in textiles, auto, steel, mining, and other industries got organized and won union recognition following the most titanic class battles in U. When they got that they stopped and called it a day. It will take a return to such methods if rapacious capitalists like Walmart are to be pushed back and the labor movement is to be rebuilt into a truly powerful force. But nearly all ended in defeats, with conservative union leaders incapable of defending workers against violent police repression and fierce attacks by the employers and their hired guns.
But nonetheless the majority of the syndicalist movement has always rejected this boring-from-within strategy, recognizing that it is incompatible with our basic principles, and ineffective to boot. He found a job but Local 30 officers would not sign the necessary paperwork, so Felice lost the job and was forced out of the local.
This organizational acumen was a product of the Communist League of America, whose leading members and secondary cadre conceived the plans behind the union-drive and developing strike strategy, implementing them over the course of the spring and summer of Interestingly, the New York Times and other union officers were unstinting in praising Feinstein as a labor statesman as he was being forced from office.
In the following years, under the socialist leadership of Local , much of the interstate trucking industry was organized. Under the logic of this ruling, any union dissident whose civil liberties were violated in their unions could turn to federal prosecutors and ask them to bring criminal or civil charges. Today, six years into the worst economic and social crisis that capitalism has created since the s, the labor movement is likewise at a low ebb. Yager has denounced the proceedings as an attempt to silence critics of the new regime. Any worker connected with transportation was welcome. Regional conference officers are elected by local union officers, not by the membership—just as national officers were before the government take-over. Those days are past.
But nearly all ended in defeats, with conservative union leaders incapable of defending workers against violent police repression and fierce attacks by the employers and their hired guns. The result was that IS became increasingly irrelevant to its own members once the union reform efforts got off the ground they were largely self-perpetuating and to broader movement politics.
Reform delegates to the Teamster Convention tried to amend the constitution to include these reforms, but Hoffa directed his supporters to vote against his own campaign promise. There are millions of workers in manufacturing, retail, and infrastructure who could be unionized — but not by playing by the rules set by the National Labor Relations Board.
Since taking control of the Teamsters international, Carey has generally argued for a more militant posture—threatening strikes and boycotts in situations where his predecessors might have called for cooperation or concessions.
Though in fairness, Carey got his start in the Teamsters as a UPS driver, unlike that other darling of the union reform crowd, Rich Trumka, who put in only a few months in the mines working a summer job before going on the UMW payroll as a staff attorney. Efforts by more militant members to broaden this approach were uniformly rejectedas irrelevant or likely to scare off potential recruits.
based on 37 review